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'We Must Name Ourselves': ERI Construction within the Supplementary Schooling Context

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Title: 'We Must Name Ourselves': ERI Construction within the Supplementary Schooling Context
Language: English
Authors: Simon, Amanda
Source: Pastoral Care in Education. 2023 41(1):105-124.
Availability: Routledge. Available from: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. 530 Walnut Street Suite 850, Philadelphia, PA 19106. Tel: 800-354-1420; Tel: 215-625-8900; Fax: 215-207-0050; Web site: http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Peer Reviewed: Y
Page Count: 20
Publication Date: 2023
Document Type: Journal Articles
Reports - Research
Descriptors: Supplementary Education, Ethnicity, Racial Identification, Well Being, Sense of Community, Foreign Countries, Blacks, Minority Group Students, Self Concept, Group Membership, Student School Relationship, Positive Attitudes, Cultural Maintenance
Geographic Terms: United Kingdom
DOI: 10.1080/02643944.2021.1977992
ISSN: 0264-3944
1468-0122
Abstract: Ethnic and racial identity (ERI) has long been considered a central component of psychological wellbeing, particularly for adolescents and young people from Black and minority ethnic (BME) communities. Supplementary schools are geared towards the cultivation of positive group identification and a sense of belonging; central components of ERI. These institutions therefore have a potentially vital role to play in facilitating the wellbeing of the BME young people they serve. Within current literature, there has been very little direct reference to this promotion of wellbeing within supplementary schooling. This paper addresses this dearth by exploring the identity work carried out by a diverse cohort of supplementary schools in the UK. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interview data gathered from the leaders of 16 schools, representing several different BME groups. The data was analysed using thematic analysis and revealed that schools facilitate positive group identity and a sense of belonging through several means, namely: the preservation and perpetuation of emblematic identity traits, the counteraction of negative identity discourses, the transformation of community social standing and the recovery of depleted or lost identities.
Abstractor: As Provided
Entry Date: 2023
Accession Number: EJ1384223
Database: ERIC
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  Value: <anid>AN0162237488;bru01mar.23;2023Mar08.04:29;v2.2.500</anid> <title id="AN0162237488-1">'We must name ourselves': ERI construction within the supplementary schooling context </title> <p>Ethnic and racial identity (ERI) has long been considered a central component of psychological wellbeing, particularly for adolescents and young people from Black and minority ethnic (BME) communities. Supplementary schools are geared towards the cultivation of positive group identification and a sense of belonging; central components of ERI. These institutions therefore have a potentially vital role to play in facilitating the wellbeing of the BME young people they serve. Within current literature, there has been very little direct reference to this promotion of wellbeing within supplementary schooling. This paper addresses this dearth by exploring the identity work carried out by a diverse cohort of supplementary schools in the UK. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interview data gathered from the leaders of 16 schools, representing several different BME groups. The data was analysed using thematic analysis and revealed that schools facilitate positive group identity and a sense of belonging through several means, namely: the preservation and perpetuation of emblematic identity traits, the counteraction of negative identity discourses, the transformation of community social standing and the recovery of depleted or lost identities.</p> <p>Keywords: Supplementary school; ethnic and racial identity (ERI); wellbeing; sense of belonging; positive group identity</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-2">Introduction</hd> <p>It is widely recognised that Ethnic and Racial Identity (ERI) plays an important role in the maintenance of well-being (Cokley, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref1">8</reflink>]), particularly amongst BME youth (Marks et al., [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref2">24</reflink>]; Suárez-Orozco et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref3">39</reflink>]). Recently, growing concerns pertaining to the personal wellbeing of children and young people, as reflected within the 'State of the Nation' report (Department for Education, [<reflink idref="bib11" id="ref4">11</reflink>]), have drawn attention to the importance of ERI (Neblett et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref5">30</reflink>]). The current significance of ERI must also be considered in light of the continued proliferation of racism and its shaping of the lives of BME communities. This has been evidenced through recent events in the US, and the prevalence of racism in Brexit discourses and key socio-political events in the UK (Joseph-Salisbury, [<reflink idref="bib21" id="ref6">21</reflink>]). As a form of BME community mobilisation, supplementary schooling is positioned at the forefront of such social realities.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-3">Supplementary schools and wellbeing</hd> <p>Supplementary schools, also referred to as complementary schools, are non-compulsory institutions established and run by community groups that share a language, religious beliefs, cultural traditions or a combination of these attributes. These schools operate outside of regular school hours. Many of these schools are self-supporting, however in some instances, schools can access funding streams. According to National Resource Centre for Supplementary Education (NRCSE) statistics, there are currently 3000–5000 supplementary schools in the UK. These schools have been established by a range of ethnic minority groups and are diverse in terms of curriculum content, offering: support in core mainstream subjects, language classes and other cultural and religious enrichment activities (NRCSE, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref7">31</reflink>]). Supplementary schools are typically run by BME staff who are representative of the communities they serve (NRCSE, [<reflink idref="bib31" id="ref8">31</reflink>]); this is unlike mainstream schools where BME staff members are often underrepresented.</p> <p>Supplementary schools have been known to have a positive impact on the lives of students in terms of improvement of examination results, increased positive attitude towards learning and increased self-esteem (Tereshchenko & Archer, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref9">40</reflink>]). These benefits are directly connected to the development of ERI (Maylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib25" id="ref10">25</reflink>]). Speaking of Eastern European schools in London, Tereshchenko and Archer suggest that the schools aid the development of ethnic and linguistic identity, through language learning and familiarisation with cultural traditions. Similarly, Nwulu ([<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref11">32</reflink>]) comments that supplementary schools are 'safe spaces' in which the BME culture, language and heritage are nurtured and conserved. Tereshchenko and Archer also speak of the supplementary school being a space of cultural belonging, which also connects with the development of ERI (Tereshchenko & Archer, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref12">40</reflink>]).</p> <p>The culturally/racially specific context of supplementary schools is also a key contributor to ERI. In reference to the black supplementary school movement, Andrews comments that the black led environment is essential to its success (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref13">2</reflink>]). Within this context, black identities are strategically constructed in opposition to mainstream racist and misconstrued conceptions of blackness (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref14">2</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref15">3</reflink>]). The centrality of blackness also allows for the implementation of positive black representation (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref16">2</reflink>]; Mirza & Reay, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref17">27</reflink>]) and the discussion of sensitive topics that relate to the lived realities of the black community (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref18">2</reflink>]). Through such means, supplementary schools seek to counteract Eurocentrism and racism (Andrews, [<reflink idref="bib1" id="ref19">1</reflink>]; Dove, [<reflink idref="bib12" id="ref20">12</reflink>]; Hall et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref21">17</reflink>]) and build a sense of belonging and positive group identity. In an age of rising nationalism and perpetual marginalisation of BME communities, supplementary schools provide important identity support and resources for BME youth (Nwulu, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref22">32</reflink>]; Tereshchenko & Archer, [<reflink idref="bib40" id="ref23">40</reflink>]) and thereby exercise powerful forms of agency as they respond to students' wellbeing needs (Nwulu, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref24">32</reflink>]).</p> <p>While supplementary schools are often unproblematically categorised in terms of racial or ethnic grouping, there are, in reality, various subcultural, regional, social and national variations within these categories. It is also the case that in their efforts to construct ERI, supplementary schools can at times veer towards an essentialist approach (Archer et al., [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref25">4</reflink>]). This can pose challenges for students who are attempting to reformulate new and hybridised identities within the host country. However, despite these tensions, supplementary schools constitute less reductive spaces than mainstream settings and are therefore more amenable to identity construction and performance through social tools such as languages (Nwulu, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref26">32</reflink>]) and community-specific discourses.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-4">Ethnic and racial identity (ERI)</hd> <p>Typically, racial identity (RI) and ethnic identity (EI) are seen as two separate social realities. However, this has been challenged in recent years. The Ethnic and Racial Identity in the 21<sups>st</sups> Century Study Group is a team of academic scholars, focused on deciphering the theoretical complexities of ethnic and racial identity. This group suggests that the distinction of EI and RI is outdated and narrow, and stands in opposition to the merging of racial and ethnic components in the lives of modern youth (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref27">42</reflink>]). For instance, central cultural components embedded within a person's experience of race, could be overlooked when RI and EI are separated. Whilst the high incidence of racialization in contemporary Western societies evidences the importance of race as a distinct category, the considerable overlap between RI and EI is such that a joint conceptualisation is needed to comprehensively represent the lived experiences of ethnic minority communities (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref28">42</reflink>]).</p> <p>ERI is described as 'a multifaceted constellation of one's feelings thoughts and attitudes related to membership in an ethnic/racial group' (Yip, [<reflink idref="bib47" id="ref29">47</reflink>], pp. 170–171). ERI encompasses the experiences of individuals that are connected to their ethnic background and the racialized experiences that result from their membership to a particular group (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref30">42</reflink>]). This study incorporates the ERI metaconstruct in acknowledgement of the simultaneous enactment of ethnic and racial identities within the supplementary schooling context. Thus, whilst there may be references to EI or RI, the underlying assumption is that the two components are inseparable.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-5">ERI and wellbeing</hd> <p>A strong empirical evidence base supports the idea that ERI is associated with wellbeing, particularly for BME groups (Molix & Bettencourt, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref31">28</reflink>]). This claim has been confirmed in recent studies carried out amongst Aboriginal groups, where it was found that culture and a sense of pride in the Aboriginal identity are connected to health and social and emotional wellbeing (Zubrick et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref32">49</reflink>]). Iwamoto and Liu also found that ethnic identity affirmation and belonging were positively related to psychological wellbeing amongst Asian Americans. It was also found that participants who harboured a strong sense of ethnic pride and ethnic group attachment endorsed more aspects of eudemonic wellbeing (Iwamoto & Liu, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref33">20</reflink>]). Research on school-based interventions aimed at increasing affirmative ERI, have also evidenced the positive impact of such interventions on learning outcomes and wellbeing (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib41" id="ref34">41</reflink>]; Zamora et al., [<reflink idref="bib48" id="ref35">48</reflink>]). The development of EI is also said to protect against risky behaviours and poor health (Marks et al., [<reflink idref="bib24" id="ref36">24</reflink>]).</p> <p>Beyond its direct positive impact, ERI also aids in the maintenance of wellbeing by buffering and counteracting the effects of race related stress caused by marginalisation, discrimination and racism (Iwamoto & Liu, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref37">20</reflink>]; Smith & Silva, [<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref38">37</reflink>]). Forrest-Bank and Cuellar ([<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref39">15</reflink>]) also found that a strong ethnic identity can protect against the negative effects of microaggression. However, whilst perceived discrimination is a key predictor of psychological distress, the moderation of this distress through ERI is variable across racial and ethnic groups (Choi et al., [<reflink idref="bib7" id="ref40">7</reflink>]; Woo et al., [<reflink idref="bib45" id="ref41">45</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-6">Sense of belonging and positive group identity</hd> <p>Two key wellbeing-enhancing components of ERI are sense of belonging and positive group identity. Both are central to positive self-concept development (Irwin et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref42">19</reflink>]). These two components have been identified as central factors in psychological adjustment (Yasui et al., [<reflink idref="bib46" id="ref43">46</reflink>]) and significant predictors of wellbeing (Iwamoto & Liu, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref44">20</reflink>]; Molix & Bettencourt, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref45">28</reflink>]). Feelings of belonging are naturally awakened when people identify with a certain community. It is manifested in the confidence and warmth of being a group member and the loyalty that it engenders (Verkuyten, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref46">43</reflink>]). Smith and Silva ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref47">37</reflink>]) explain that person's identification with a larger ethnic group can give them a sense of belonging and social support and can thus establish a sense of strength, competence and self-acceptance. This identification can be facilitated through the practicing and valuing of group markers such as language and cultural practices. This was evidenced in the Sánchez study on Mexican indigenous college students, where it was found that exposure to indigenous language and history strengthened participants' associations with their indigenous identities (Sánchez, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref48">34</reflink>]).</p> <p>Positive group identity refers to positive feelings about group membership and is also referred to as group pride, ethnic affirmation or private regard (Neblett et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref49">30</reflink>]). This dimension of ERI is widely known to actuate positive outcomes in a range of ethnic minority communities (Molix & Bettencourt, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref50">28</reflink>]; Neblett et al., [<reflink idref="bib30" id="ref51">30</reflink>]). Positive group identity has been associated with positive adjustment across the developmental life stages, increasing significantly during adolescence (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref52">42</reflink>]). In their study among Asian American college students, Iwamoto and Liu ([<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref53">20</reflink>]) discovered that students who manifested strong pride in their ethnic group endorsed more of the components of eudaimonic wellbeing, including self acceptance. A sense of pride in the Aboriginal identity has also been consistently identified as a determinant of health and wellbeing across the entire lifespan (Macedo et al., [<reflink idref="bib23" id="ref54">23</reflink>]). Group pride can enable marginalized group members to manage their low status and thereby safeguard wellbeing (Molix & Bettencourt, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref55">28</reflink>]). Positive group identity also leads to psychological empowerment which aids wellbeing (Molix & Bettencourt, [<reflink idref="bib28" id="ref56">28</reflink>]).</p> <p>Despite the aforementioned benefits, social identity faces threats from various sources (De Hoog, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref57">10</reflink>]) and a heightened sense of group belonging and positive group identity can cause individuals to be vulnerable to negative emotions when such threats arise (Irwin et al., [<reflink idref="bib19" id="ref58">19</reflink>]; Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref59">42</reflink>]). In such cases, individuals usually respond defensively with the aim of preserving or elevating the social group image in order to maintain self-integrity (De Hoog, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref60">10</reflink>]).</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-7">The present research</hd> <p>This paper will contribute to current research by exploring the efforts of supplementary schools to cultivate ERI through the facilitation of belonging and positive group identity. The value of these efforts has remained largely unrecognized by mainstream education communities and wider mainstream society (Walters, [<reflink idref="bib44" id="ref61">44</reflink>]), yet they are arguably crucial to the social, emotional and psychological wellbeing of supplementary school students, who often face various forms of racism, discrimination and marginalisation. Most studies in the field of ERI involve numerical measurements of individual aspects of ethnic or racial identity, however few have examined the institutional contexts in which ERI is shaped and the tools used. Influences on ERI construction that are beyond the family context have also received little attention (Umaña-Taylor et al., [<reflink idref="bib42" id="ref62">42</reflink>]).</p> <p>This study will bring together the psychological ERI field and the social discourse-orientated field of supplementary schooling to work towards a multidimensional understanding of ERI building, within a specific community mobilisation context. Within current literature, these two fields of study remain relatively exclusive. This work however, acknowledges that the shaping of identity involves both individual psychological processes and the social interactive context, and that 'it is in the day-to-day contacts between people in concrete localised circumstances that group distinctions and identities are produced, negotiated and used to make sense of lives' (Verkuyten, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref63">43</reflink>], p. 22). The paper therefore aims to highlight the potential psychological implications of the social group context.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-8">Methods</hd> <p>The study was carried out in the West Midlands of England between 2009 and 2012. The study mainly sought to investigate the key purposes of supplementary schools and how they are socially positioned. The entire study was split into two phases. The first phase involved a series of 16 in-depth semi-structured interviews with supplementary school leaders and the second phase consisted of a case study within one of the schools. This paper will pay particular attention to the findings of the first phase of the study.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-9">Sampling</hd> <p>The schools involved in the first phase were selected using purposive sampling with the aim of gaining a suitable level of diversity to reflect the range of ethnic groups involved in supplementary schooling. Table 1 displays the 16 schools included in the study. The pseudonyms given to each school reveal the ethnic, linguistic or religious group served by the school. Additional letters have been used where there are multiple schools within the same category.</p> <p>Table 1. School communities and curriculum orientations.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>School name</td><td>Curriculum orientation</td></tr><tr><td>National curriculum</td><td>Community language</td><td>Cultural heritage</td><td>Religious education</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>African-Caribbean school A</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td /></tr><tr><td>African-Caribbean school B</td><td>✓</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>African-Caribbean school C</td><td>✓</td><td /><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Bangladeshi school</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td /></tr><tr><td>Bosnian school</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td /></tr><tr><td>Chinese school</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Greek school</td><td /><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Guajarati school</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Iranian school</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td /></tr><tr><td>Irish school</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Islamic school A</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Islamic school B</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Islamic school C</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Polish school</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>Punjabi school A</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td /></tr><tr><td>Punjabi school B</td><td /><td>✓</td><td /><td>✓</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <p>Within phase one, the accounts of school leaders were specifically chosen due to their ability to provide information concerning school history, structure, aims and purposes and because of their influence on the promotion and maintenance of institutional ethos. 'School Leader' is used as a generic term that encompasses a range of leadership-based roles, covering coordinators, managers, governors, founders and lead teachers. Participants had adopted different titles but were all responsible for leading out in school affairs. Table 2 displays the participant details. Since this study is focused on the school leaders' perspective, it is acknowledged that there can be no certainty that supplementary school students do actually experience improvements in their wellbeing as this would have to be determined by addressing the students themselves.</p> <p>Table 2. Participant details.</p> <p> <ephtml> <table><thead><tr><td>School</td><td>Male/ Female</td><td>Role of participant</td><td>Time at the school</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>African-Caribbean school A</td><td>M</td><td>Organizer and governing official and founder</td><td>42 years</td></tr><tr><td>African-Caribbean school B</td><td>M</td><td>Teacher</td><td>15 years</td></tr><tr><td>African-Caribbean school C</td><td>F</td><td>Project manager</td><td>9 years</td></tr><tr><td>Bangladeshi school</td><td>M</td><td>Coordinator</td><td>12 years</td></tr><tr><td>Bosnian school</td><td>M</td><td>Head teacher liaison with city council</td><td>16 years</td></tr><tr><td>Chinese school</td><td>F</td><td>Governor and teacher</td><td>10 years</td></tr><tr><td>Greek school</td><td>F</td><td>Head teacher</td><td>5 years</td></tr><tr><td>Guajarati school</td><td>M</td><td>School leader</td><td>27 years</td></tr><tr><td>Iranian school</td><td>M</td><td>Head teacher and founder</td><td>17 years</td></tr><tr><td>Irish school</td><td>M</td><td>Sole teacher and founder</td><td>33 years</td></tr><tr><td>Islamic school A</td><td>M</td><td>Main tutor, Imam and founder</td><td>22 years</td></tr><tr><td>Islamic school B</td><td>M</td><td>Senior Imam</td><td>6 years</td></tr><tr><td>Islamic school C</td><td>M</td><td>No role</td><td>12 years</td></tr><tr><td>Polish school</td><td>F</td><td>Head teacher</td><td>36 years</td></tr><tr><td>Punjabi school A</td><td>M</td><td>Head teacher and manager</td><td>18 years</td></tr><tr><td>Punjabi school B</td><td>M</td><td>education manager</td><td>16 years</td></tr></tbody></table> </ephtml> </p> <hd id="AN0162237488-10">Data collection</hd> <p>This study was granted ethical approval by the University of Birmingham Research Ethics Committee and adhered to its standards of ethical monitoring. Each participant was informed about the research prior to interview and written consent was obtained. Participant and institutional identities were also protected through the use of pseudonyms. Full confidentiality of participant data was maintained throughout the study. The interviews mainly focused on school purpose, which enabled a penetrating insight that moved past commonly highlighted aspects such as curriculum content, to reveal less obvious links between schools. These interviews were also able to generate valuable contextual data, including personal narratives that participants drew upon in their interpretations of the schools.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-11">Analysis</hd> <p>Participants' verbatim transcripts were analysed manually, using thematic analysis, following the process outlined in Emerson et al. ([<reflink idref="bib13" id="ref64">13</reflink>]). This analysis process involved an initial open coding of each transcript. Initial codes were further refined and organised into themes through a second wave of detailed reading and coding. During this second stage I produced spray diagrams to display the themes emerging in each transcript. This enabled further reshaping of the themes and quick comparison of themes across all 16 interviews. Once I had reached the point of theme saturation for each individual interview I then constructed a further set of spray diagrams that displayed key themes that were common across all interviews. This process unearthed several salient themes relating to a sense of belonging and positive group identity.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-12">Results</hd> <p>Analysis of the interview data revealed that schools were attempting to build ERI through the facilitation of a sense of belonging and positive group identity. In reality, these central components of ERI are intertwined and mutually dependent but for clarity purposes, they will be discussed separately. Schools attempted to cultivate a sense of belonging through processes of perpetuation and preservation and positive group identity through the counteraction of negative community portrayals and in some cases, the reinstatement of positive portrayals. These were, in effect, the tools used to construct and reconstruct ERI. Whilst the following sections feature a diverse selection of schools, it is clear that they are underpinned by similar goals in relation to community ERI.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-13">Sense of belonging</hd> <p>Schools attempted to facilitate a sense of belonging by instilling within students, certain emblematic aspects of ERI whilst simultaneously attempting to protect these aspects from any negative or assimilatory influences (Simon, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref65">36</reflink>]). In doing so schools attempted to cultivate ownership of such aspects which would cause students to have a sense of legitimate membership within the ethnic and/ or racial community. Through this process of perpetuation and preservation, the schools sought to enable particular versions of the community identity to live on beyond the homeland, despite endangerment from socio-political forces. Such perpetuation and preservation tendencies are represented here in reference to community languages:</p> <p>Basically the aim of our school you know, is to [make sure] our children don't forget our language, the main thing for us here is not to forget our roots and that the children don't forget our language (Bosnian school leader)</p> <p>I would say [the driving force behind the school is] insuring that our youngsters are not left without their own mother tongue ... obviously this [learning the language] is keeping their identity actually, we have our own language, [we need to] make sure they learn it (Punjabi school B, leader).</p> <p>If you don't send them to school, and if they don't practice, you know, speak Polish, if they don't carry on with Polish traditions then you know, they become Anglicized (Polish school leader).</p> <p>The above extracts constitute an overarching discourse of perpetuation and preservation of community languages, which are seen to embody ERI, to the extent that loss of the language is conflated with loss of identity. Within the context of this discourse the schools feature as sites of linguistic conservation. The language = identity discourse is one which gives rise to fears in relation to language endangerment; a sentiment that is reflected in the urgency of these extracts. In particular, the Polish school leader seems to suggest that if the language is not instilled in the students they will not feel a sense of belonging to the Polish community and will identify more closely with the majority culture. This extract is underpinned by a 'them' and 'us' discourse in which the Polish supplementary school is positioned as a defender of ERI, protecting against majority language dominance. The schools are framed as cultural incubators, where important identity markers are promoted and reinforced, to ensure that students have the means to envisage themselves as group members and to feel secure in their membership.</p> <p>This orientation towards belonging is also detectable in schools where community languages were not taught. One example is an African-Caribbean school which emphasised the perpetuation and protection of the true 'African mindset'. These efforts were fuelled by the belief that the African identity is threatened by false representations of the African-Caribbean community, which have caused negative self-positioning within the community:</p> <p>There's a lot of confusion in Britain and across the African world Diaspora, because you [the black community] have been enslaved and you have been educated by the slave master (African-Caribbean School A leader)</p> <p>The school sought to promote a sense belonging through a process of re-education which emphasized positive black history and the achievements and contributions of Africans throughout the world. In this case, the 'African mindset' featured as a specific community resource that could be transferred to younger generations, much like a language. Through such means, the school aimed to positively reposition the African-Caribbean community and enable students to connect with the community ERI more readily. These efforts to counteract negative discourses, also connects to the facilitation of positive group identity, a theme that is explored in the following section.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-14">Positive group identity</hd> <p>Efforts to cultivate positive group identity, were closely related to the counteraction of negative portrayals of community ERIs, existent within the wider society. In some cases, these portrayals were thought to have been internalized by the school students, causing varying levels of identity conflict (Simon, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref66">36</reflink>]). Schools sought to respond to such portrayals with positive and empowering discourses in which ERIs could be favourably conceptualised. The leader of African-Caribbean School A for instance, highlighted the role of the media and mainstream society in the misrepresentation of black people as 'savages and illiterate people'. This school responded by exposing false myths and re-educating students about the positive attributes and contributions of Africans globally. In doing so, the school sought to free students from the oppressive force of negative discourses, enabling them to develop a positive group identity.</p> <p>Similar sentiments were also evident in the responses of the leader of African-Caribbean School B who spoke of the misrepresentations of black students in mainstream schooling specifically:</p> <p>[S]omehow they [African-Caribbean students] not really seeing the importance of the education anymore, because somewhere along the line while they were in school, it's like they have been shifted to one side (African-Caribbean School B leader)</p> <p>If you're a youngster growing up and somebody keep on saying that [negative messages] to you, you're not gonna progress very far, unless you have somebody else who's really behind you, pushing you and telling you, that's not true, you can do it. (African-Caribbean School B leader)</p> <p>These two extracts suggest that black students, and thus the black community, are often discursively positioned as insignificant and incapable. Within this scenario of deficit schooling, the African-Caribbean supplementary school is positioned as a reconstructive space where negative discourses can be renounced and replaced, facilitating positive group identity. In light of this, the school is featured as the 'somebody else', 'pushing' African-Caribbean young people as opposed to discouraging and limiting them. The school leader explains that it is in fact the responsibility of teachers at the school to tell students 'something positive so that they can hold on to something'. Thus the school's counteractive efforts constitute a source of sustenance and survival in the face of ongoing ERI threats.</p> <p>Responses of the Iranian school leader, reflected similar sentiments with regards to the counteraction of negative discourses. In the following extract this participant speaks of the effects of racism within the mainstream schooling context</p> <p>They [young people within the Iranian community] feel lonely and they want somebody to talk to from the same community ... We receive some complaints from the students, not very, very serious, but mentally it is very important ... for example, this little girl, she has got maybe problem at school today, when she goes to the friend, [at the Iranian school], she gets relief, you know. (Iranian school leader)</p> <p>In this case the racism is counteracted through the ethnically specific supplementary school context in which students are able to find 'relief', in a space where the Iranian ERI is centralized and normalized. Similar to the African-Caribbean school, the Iranian school can be seen as a safe space where students are afforded the agency to develop positive perceptions of the Iranian ERI and to navigate the negative discourses that threaten it.</p> <p>The counteractive function of the Iranian school is pointedly captured in the following narrative which tells of how one student developed a sense of pride in her Iranian identity. The school leader retells the account given by the girl's father, in the following way:</p> <p>She was afraid of talking Farsi language or saying she was Iranian or real Iranian. She was very afraid and always she was nagging and screaming to us, don't talk, don't let them the people know, and there was some stress on her and she was very scared, we didn't know why, and then after 6 months, now she's very proud to be Iranian and she talks Farsi and everywhere, even in the school she says yeh, I am Iranian and she, you know, talks Farsi [...] At the [mainstream] school she was alone and because of this propaganda against Iranian people, you know, political situation in Iran and this all tough things. She was afraid to, you know, 'I am Iranian'. Maybe somebody in the [mainstream] school, a lot of things they told her. And when she came here [supplementary school] ... she met other Iranian students, very successful, very proud of themselves and nothing is wrong with being Iranian and little by little she mentally, you know, changed. (Iranian school leader)</p> <p>Negative portrayals of the Iranian diaspora caused the student to negatively position her Iranian identity and thus seek to disassociate herself from it. The school leader suggests that the school counteracts these negative portrayals by modelling a positive identity outlook within the safety of the ethnically specific context where Iranianness is destigmatized and celebrated and students can re-envision their identity as source of worth and pride.</p> <p>In addition to discursive counteraction, some schools sought to combat negative group identity discourses by attempting to enact an actual transformation of the community social standing. This aspect of supplementary schooling was not simply about community progress but was very much geared towards the shifting of conceptions of the community ERI through tangible change in the lives of community members, and demonstrated a desire both to <emph>be</emph> and <emph>be seen</emph> differently (Simon, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref67">36</reflink>]). Schools sought to achieve transformation through the enhancement of academic achievement. The leader of African-Caribbean School C, gave clear references to the school's intentions to counteract the prevailing discourse of the 'underachieving black student' and ensure that every child is free to excel:</p> <p>We want some more doctors, some more nurses out there, some more scientists, you know, African-Caribbean people, there's not many that are, you know, scientists and doctors and things like that [...] we want them to be high flyers and reach their full potential (African-Caribbean School C leader)</p> <p>This school sought to increase the representation of the black community in 'high status' science-orientated professions, counteracting the deficit discourse of black low-achievement that threatens the ERI of the black community as a whole. Similar sentiments pertaining to community transformation were also expressed by the leaders of the other two African-Caribbean supplementary schools. The leader of African-Caribbean School B for instance, expressed the need to see the black community start 'going to the top'.</p> <p>Similar to the African-Caribbean community, the Bangladeshi community in the UK has long been considered one of the lowest achieving groups statistically. Although there has been some recent improvement (Strand, [<reflink idref="bib38" id="ref68">38</reflink>]). Consequently, the main aim of the Bangladeshi school was to instil an alternative narrative of educational and career success by raising awareness of educational issues and eliminating low expectations within the community itself:</p> <p>Yes, we are telling the community, yes, your kids, your children, yes, he can be doctor he can be an engineer, he can be good professional person, he can be a businessman, but educate him first then you'll see the difference; the way you are running [the business] and the way your kids should be running, should be different, you'll see the difference then. Yes, they will run your business, not now, not at the age of 14, at the age of 30, at the age of 20, at the age of ... after they finish their education, after they go to the university and get the good degree in Business, then they can do some things. (Bangladeshi school leader)</p> <p>Here again the desire for members to pursue typically 'high end' careers is apparent. This discourse of the successful professional Bangladeshi stands in contrast to that of a community with limited educational capacity. This revised storyline constitutes the reframing of the Bangladeshi community identity, giving Bangladeshi young people the opportunity to envision themselves beyond the deficit discourses circulating within mainstream schooling and indeed the Bangladeshi community itself.</p> <p>Attempts to inculcate positive group identity also involved the recovery or reclaiming of emblematic identity components that were believed to have been stolen or stripped away by forceful or coercive means. These recovery attempts constitute a means of rebranding the community by reinstating an 'authentic', untainted identity, together with all of its positive connotations. This recovery discourse was apparent in the responses of the school leader of African Caribbean School A:</p> <p>[A]ll African on this planet, whether they in Africa or in the Americas or Latin America, the main mother land, every colony that is colonized by French or German it changed our peoples name and their identity and what we have to do now is to bring that back (African-Caribbean School A leader)</p> <p>The school leader uses the term 'African' to refer to black Africans and the African descendants across the world. The suggestion here is that the black African identity has been stripped away through the imposition of colonialism. One of the key aims of this school was to recover the <emph>true</emph>, (pre-colonial) African identity. African Caribbean School A sought to break free from the 'colonial master system' by way of re-education modelled around essentialist notions of black Africans. Similar to the Iranian school, the racially specific school context was seen to be essential to this endeavour.</p> <p>The drive for identity recovery was also evident within the responses of the Irish school leader who revealed that the purpose of the school was to recover the Irish identity that had been stripped away in the aftermath of the 1974 IRA bombings in Birmingham. The school leader explained that this event caused the entire Irish community to be out-casted, shifting the very construction and meaning of being Irish. As a result, the once vibrant Irish community became a community in hiding, afraid to display markers of the Irish identity:</p> <p>I was looking to find something that Irish people could identify with that wasn't political but at the same time might put a message out generally that we we're about lots of other things besides what we were being painted as: terrorists or apologists for terrorists. And I started the classes because of that event, and it gave Irish people something to gather around so to speak about and gave them a point of interest (Irish school leader)</p> <p>In this extract the Irish supplementary school is positioned as a site of identity reconstruction – a gathering place, focused on the repositioning of the Irish identity in alternative storylines to those connected to the bombings, in which the Irish were positioned as a 'suspect' community. The school was a space where disillusioned community members could think of themselves differently and begin to reconnect with their Irish identity through Irish language, music and other cultural traditions.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-15">Discussion</hd> <p>This article has explored the attempts of supplementary schools to construct and reconstruct the ERIs of BME children and young people through the facilitation of a sense of belonging and positive group identity. The results reveal the multifaceted nature of this process, which involved: preservation and perpetuation of group markers, the counteraction of negative discourses, transformation of social positioning and identity recovery. The development of ERI bears direct relation to social and psychological wellbeing. The results therefore suggest that supplementary schools are able to contribute to the wellbeing of students in important ways.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-16">Belonging</hd> <p>With regards to the facilitation of belonging, schools sought to preserve and perpetuate certain key markers of the community identity, such as cultural practices, traditions and modes of communication. These aspects anchor belonging and can result in feelings of connectedness to those within the same group (Verkuyten, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref69">43</reflink>]). Blommaert and Varis speak of certain 'emblematic resources' which individuals draw upon when acting within an identity category (Blommaert & Varis, [<reflink idref="bib6" id="ref70">6</reflink>]), perhaps the most common of which is language. The re-enactment of distinctive cultural traits is in fact a common means whereby ethnic minority groups seek to reaffirm and retain cultural identity and belonging (Gsir & Mescoli, [<reflink idref="bib16" id="ref71">16</reflink>]; Inman et al., [<reflink idref="bib18" id="ref72">18</reflink>]; Suárez-Orozco et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref73">39</reflink>]) and previous studies have found this reenactment to be a central component of supplementary schools (Archer et al., [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref74">4</reflink>]; Creese et al., [<reflink idref="bib9" id="ref75">9</reflink>]; Hall et al., [<reflink idref="bib17" id="ref76">17</reflink>]).</p> <p>Through preservation and perpetuation efforts, supplementary schools sought to provide students with the necessary tools and reference points to fully access and express an 'authentic' ERI. Blackledge and Creese comment that languages for instance, are intertwined with identity claims (Blackledge & Creese, [<reflink idref="bib5" id="ref77">5</reflink>]), thus identity can be negotiated through linguistic practice. In essence, these schools enforce certain ways of <emph>being</emph> in order to foster ways of <emph>belonging</emph> (Levitt, [<reflink idref="bib22" id="ref78">22</reflink>]) and self-identification. This idea of belonging being facilitated through group resources is supported in the ERI literature. In her study of Indigenous Mexican college students Sánchez ([<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref79">34</reflink>]) highlights the validation of participant identities through engagement with emblematic group resources including the native language. Access to native language learning allowed participants to value the native language and develop a stronger cultural identity and sense of belonging (Sánchez, [<reflink idref="bib34" id="ref80">34</reflink>]). According to Smith and Silva ([<reflink idref="bib37" id="ref81">37</reflink>]) a sense of belonging within a larger group can build confidence, strength and self-acceptance and can thus contribute to wellbeing.</p> <p>Schools' efforts to perpetuate and preserve particular versions of the community identity were in part, related to the context of mainstream cultural dominance. Supplementary schools sought to shelter students from the threat of ethnic group marginalisation (which can weaken ERI), by nurturing positive group ties.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-17">Positive group identity</hd> <p>The development of positive group identity was evident in the schools' efforts to counteract negative community discourses and defend the community identity. Through this means, schools sought to ensure not only that students had access to the community ERI but that the version they accessed was positive and desirable. ERI involves continuous negotiation between a person's perception of themselves and the external perceptions of others (Forrest-Bank & Cuellar, [<reflink idref="bib15" id="ref82">15</reflink>]) thus schools sought to protect the former by mediating the latter. Positive group identity plays a central role in the maintenance of wellbeing (Cokley, [<reflink idref="bib8" id="ref83">8</reflink>]; Iwamoto & Liu, [<reflink idref="bib20" id="ref84">20</reflink>]; Zubrick et al., [<reflink idref="bib49" id="ref85">49</reflink>]). The counteraction component is especially significant at this current time, due to the recent increase in the negative portrayals of immigrants and asylum seekers and general anti-immigration sentiments, exacerbated by insecurities surrounding national identity (Esses et al., [<reflink idref="bib14" id="ref86">14</reflink>]).</p> <p>According to social identity theory, individuals aim to construct identities that engender 'positive group distinctiveness' (Schwartz et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref87">35</reflink>], p. 66) which is partly driven by the motivation for self-esteem. However, this process may be threatened by negative discourses (Schwartz et al., [<reflink idref="bib35" id="ref88">35</reflink>]). Group stigmatisation is often felt personally and is damaging to self-worth (De Hoog, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref89">10</reflink>]; Verkuyten, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref90">43</reflink>]). Exposure to negative discourses and stereotypes about their ethnic group, may cause children to harbour negative or conflicting sentiments towards their own ethnicity. Communities therefore play a vital role in providing spaces where children can develop a positive sense of their own in-group (Phinney et al., [<reflink idref="bib33" id="ref91">33</reflink>]). Supplementary schools attempt to combat identity threats by instilling alternative storylines and positionings of the community, that directly contradict those circulating within the mainstream society. The schools therefore take on a mediatory role; standing between the BME community and the wider society and buffering the effects of negative discourses that threaten ERI. Indeed, supplementary schools provide an important recuperative space where BME group members can connect with anti-discriminatory storylines and positionings. In doing so the schools manifest a common defence reaction in which the group image is protected (De Hoog, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref92">10</reflink>]).</p> <p>A key element of counteraction is the ethnically/racially specific context in which sameness constitutes a protective factor. The value of intergroup association is highlighted by Andrews ([<reflink idref="bib2" id="ref93">2</reflink>], [<reflink idref="bib3" id="ref94">3</reflink>]) who emphasizes the ways in which the racially specific context facilitates the strategic construction of identities in opposition to the negative discourses of the mainstream. In providing a counteractive environment, supplementary schools are able to manage dominant mainstream discourses from the peripheries, decentre popular myths (Mirza & Reay, [<reflink idref="bib27" id="ref95">27</reflink>]) and defend community boundaries using 'alternative frameworks of sense' (Melucci, [<reflink idref="bib26" id="ref96">26</reflink>], p. 248).</p> <p>The transformation agenda constitutes another response to threats to the community ERI. Beyond the discursive embedding of desirable storylines, schools also sought to alter the community's social status by increasing academic achievement through discursive and practical means. This quest has been fuelled by long-running concerns about the underachievement of BME pupils in mainstream schooling and the undermining of intellectual abilities within these groups (Nwulu, [<reflink idref="bib32" id="ref97">32</reflink>]). Education is often used as a means of overcoming negative discourses and discrimination (Verkuyten, [<reflink idref="bib43" id="ref98">43</reflink>]). This quest for transformation is another means of counteracting negative discourses regarding the abilities and characteristics of the community and is therefore another form of ERI defence.</p> <p>The identity recovery component of supplementary schooling reveals the historical embeddedness of identity construction. Recovery involves reaching back into times past in order to manage identity-related storylines and any aspect that threatens identity construction. Through the recovery of lost or depleted identities, schools also sought to 'rebrand' the community by reinstating an 'original' untainted identity. Nagel ([<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref99">29</reflink>]) refers to this process as 'ethnic renewal', which involves the rebuilding of institutions, aspects of culture and traditions (Nagel, [<reflink idref="bib29" id="ref100">29</reflink>]). Recovery constitutes a defence motivated response to identity threats (De Hoog, [<reflink idref="bib10" id="ref101">10</reflink>]); a means of counteraction to prevent the contamination of ERI constructions and reinforce positive group identification.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-18">Conclusion and implications</hd> <p>This paper aimed to highlight the efforts of supplementary schools to facilitate the construction of ERI through the cultivation of a sense of belonging and positive group identification. This has been achieved through the bringing together of the psychological ERI field and the social discourse orientated field of supplementary schooling. This amalgamation has been helpful in elucidating the meanings of the social operations of supplementary schools, enabling a more developed understanding of their possible contributions to learner wellbeing.</p> <p>The results reveal that schools' efforts to facilitate belonging and positive identification encompassed several components, namely: the preservation and perpetuation of emblematic identity traits, the counteraction of negative identity discourses, the transformation of community social standing and identity recovery. These schools exercise forms of 'grass roots' agency that respond to dominant discourses at the centre. In this sense supplementary schools (beyond their educational role) are in fact, 'complex sociopolitical enterprises, that are situated within and respond to multiple historical, social and political discourses' (Simon, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref102">36</reflink>], p. 4), which are mediated through identity construction processes (Simon, [<reflink idref="bib36" id="ref103">36</reflink>]).</p> <p>This study demonstrates the importance of community organisations such as supplementary schools, in the maintenance of wellbeing among BME children and young people. Whilst much has been written about general well-being policies and practices within mainstream schooling, very little attention has been paid to the supplementary school context and the opportunities for well-being enhancement within such spaces. This area warrants further attention as societies seek to secure the wellbeing of all members, including those from BME communities. Having said this, it is important to note that supplementary schools tend towards standardized versions of desirable community identities. This may lead to the promotion of essentialised identities that are at odds with the hybridised identities of BME youth (Archer et al., [<reflink idref="bib4" id="ref104">4</reflink>]). Recent research suggests that development of both ethnic and national identities are needed for positive adaption and wellbeing (Suárez-Orozco et al., [<reflink idref="bib39" id="ref105">39</reflink>]). In order to remain relevant, supplementary schools will need to accommodate for the increasingly complex and evolving identities of current and future generations who often have to negotiate multiple and competing allegiances.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-19">Acknowledgments</hd> <p>This work formed part of a doctoral thesis conducted at the Department of Education, University of Birmingham, UK and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). Much gratitude is expressed to Doctor Elvin Walemba for his support and advice throughout the writing process and also to Professor Angela Creese for reviewing drafts of this article and contributing invaluable feedback.</p> <hd id="AN0162237488-20">Disclosure statement</hd> <p>In accordance with Taylor & Francis policy and my ethical obligation as a researcher, I am reporting that there are no potential conflicts or competing interests connected to the research represented in this paper.</p> <ref id="AN0162237488-21"> <title> References </title> <blist> <bibl id="bib1" idref="ref19" type="bt">1</bibl> <bibtext> Andrews, K. (2013). Resisting racism: Race, inequality and the black supplementary school movement. Trentham Books.</bibtext> </blist> <blist> <bibl id="bib2" idref="ref13" type="bt">2</bibl> <bibtext> Andrews, K. (2014). Resisting racism: The black supplementary school movement. In O. Clennon (Ed.), Alternative education and community engagement (pp. 56 – 73). 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  Data: 'We Must Name Ourselves': ERI Construction within the Supplementary Schooling Context
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="SO" term="%22Pastoral+Care+in+Education%22"><i>Pastoral Care in Education</i></searchLink>. 2023 41(1):105-124.
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Supplementary+Education%22">Supplementary Education</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Ethnicity%22">Ethnicity</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Racial+Identification%22">Racial Identification</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Well+Being%22">Well Being</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Sense+of+Community%22">Sense of Community</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Foreign+Countries%22">Foreign Countries</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Blacks%22">Blacks</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Minority+Group+Students%22">Minority Group Students</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Self+Concept%22">Self Concept</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Group+Membership%22">Group Membership</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Student+School+Relationship%22">Student School Relationship</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Positive+Attitudes%22">Positive Attitudes</searchLink><br /><searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22Cultural+Maintenance%22">Cultural Maintenance</searchLink>
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  Data: <searchLink fieldCode="DE" term="%22United+Kingdom%22">United Kingdom</searchLink>
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  Data: 10.1080/02643944.2021.1977992
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  Data: 0264-3944<br />1468-0122
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  Data: Ethnic and racial identity (ERI) has long been considered a central component of psychological wellbeing, particularly for adolescents and young people from Black and minority ethnic (BME) communities. Supplementary schools are geared towards the cultivation of positive group identification and a sense of belonging; central components of ERI. These institutions therefore have a potentially vital role to play in facilitating the wellbeing of the BME young people they serve. Within current literature, there has been very little direct reference to this promotion of wellbeing within supplementary schooling. This paper addresses this dearth by exploring the identity work carried out by a diverse cohort of supplementary schools in the UK. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interview data gathered from the leaders of 16 schools, representing several different BME groups. The data was analysed using thematic analysis and revealed that schools facilitate positive group identity and a sense of belonging through several means, namely: the preservation and perpetuation of emblematic identity traits, the counteraction of negative identity discourses, the transformation of community social standing and the recovery of depleted or lost identities.
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